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Workers' Liberty
the emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class Workers Liberty Australia |
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The walk across Sydney Harbour Bridge for Reconciliation on 28 May was the biggest ever political demonstration in Australian history.
'Reconciliation' may have nearly as many meanings as there were people crossing the Bridge, but broadly it was a demonstration of sentiment against racism, an expression of a sense of solidarity with indigenous Australia, and a show of opposition to John Howard, who refused to join the walk.
It was a demonstration riddled with contradictions, An event organised by a government funded body, and with endorsement from all political parties is an unusual demonstration. What is a Government doing appearing to endorse an event, but bristling at its implications? The cause of reconciliation has brought together not only black with white, but the Queen's man in Australia and the knighted with Republicans, business leaders with trade unionists, formerly hated Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser with Labor Party front benchers, and suburban families who had never marched before with all of the above. The Daily Telegraph front page photo of a thronged Harbour Bridge was headed 'United Nation'. A common theme is that Australia cannot be a moral nation without finishing the unfinished business with indigenous Australia. At one level it was a call to John Howard to say 'Sorry' on behalf of the Australian Government and people. The letters columns overflow with shame for what the Howard Government says and doesn't say about Aboriginal affairs. There is a profound nationalism in the Reconciliation movement, on both white and indigenous sides. If only white Australia would reconcile with indigenous Australia, then both sides could be proud to be Australian.
Hand in hand with nationalism, it is common to find racism. Yet the point of this movement is to tackle racism. John Howard counterposes 'practical reconciliation' to reconciliation which says 'Sorry' and deals with the moral implications of the practical consequences of British invasion for Aboriginal people. Yet his 'practical reconciliation' rejects any proposals for indigenous self-determination, such as a Treaty.
The 'reconciliation' which Howard wants means the reconciliation of Aboriginal people to Anglo dominated Australian capitalism and the consequences of British invasion, theft of lands, livelihood, children, culture. Anything else is a 'black armband view of history' and blaming 'the misdeeds of the past on the current generation'. Howard by refusing to sign up to the Document of Reconciliation has provoked Aboriginal leaders to return to their earlier campaign for a Treaty, which was given hope by Bob Hawke's promise of one in 1988, but instead of which Labor established the Reconciliation Council.
Now it's back to a Treaty, as some form of recognition of the right to self-determination. The bitterest enemies of self-determination, and land claims which could help to make it 'practical' are the National Farmers Federation and the mining companies, who happen also to be the bitterest enemies of trade unions in Australia. Here is a common interest between unions and the indigenous rights movement.
At the same time, if the opinion polls are right, (including polls commissioned by the Reconciliation Council) and the letters pages of the Daily Telegraph are any indication, then there is a large body of working class opinion out there that agrees with John Howard, on indigenous rights. For unions to act for indigenous rights could help to challenge working class racism, and to rejuvenate the unions. The passion and commitment of the people_s movement for Reconciliation could inspire the labour movement to take a bolder stand than it has taken in a long time, and show how people can be motivated by ideas of justice and rights, beyond the bread and butter issues that are seen to be safe. If there is an issue where it should be possible to get up and argue successfully that unions could take a leading role, surely it must be reconciliation.
Marxists called for self-determination in 1931. The labour movement has a mixed history on aboriginal rights, but has been more supportive than any other section of Australian society. But class is obscured in the Reconciliation movement, which sees white vs indigenous as the divide, and national unity as the goal.
The earliest clear political expressions of indigenous self-determination were developed in the 1920s and 30s by the Communist Party of Australia, which had aboriginal and white members, and in 1931 demanded: 'The handing over to the aborigines of large tracts of watered fertile country, with towns, seaports, railways, roads, etc., to become one or more independent aboriginal states or republics. The handing back to the aborigines of all Central, Northern and North West Australia to enable the aborigines to develop their native pursuits. These aboriginal republics to be independent of Australia or other foreign powers. To have the right to make treaties with foreign powers, including Australia, establish their own army, government, industries, and in every way be independent of imperialism.'
One of the little known factors behind the growth of the 'people's movement for Reconciliation', was the use of learning circles. The state reconciliation councils distribute a kit of discussion materials and guides on how to run the learning circle. The topics cover history, culture, current conditions, the reasons for them, and black and white relations. Thousand so people have attended a circle somewhere around the country, and many of the participants would have been on the Harbour Bridge on 28 May. Unions committed to reconciliation might find that learning circles would attract workers who do not come to meetings, and rejuvenate union activity. And anyone can organise a circle in their workplace.
A detailed analysis shows that Australia's lowest laid workers (those with an income of around $5000 per year) will be worse off when the GST comes into effect on July 1. If you think that's not many people, you're not up to date with the facts. The Howard government's 2000 budget document indicated that 860,000 Australian children live in a home where neither parent is in full time employment.
While GST will lower the cost of basic food items, most other things that working class families need will cost more.
* Fridge playing up? You'll have to pay $10 to $15 more for a new one.
* Having trouble finding the money to pay your electricity bill? From July 1 it's going to be even harder because quarterly bills are to go up by $14 to $15.
* Kids' clothes too small? Better use their cousins' hand-me-downs or start looking around Op shops. Kids' clothes are going up by eight to ten per cent.
* Springs sticking out of your old settee? You'll just have to grin and bear it unless you've got an extra $35 or so to fork out for a new lounge suite.
* Haircuts are to cost $2 or $3 more. Car insurance around $27 more. Bus fares are to go up by 15-18 cents a trip and train fares by 35c to 40c a day. The house you're renting is going to cost you $2 to $5 more per week. And it'll cost around $33 more to insure its contents. And you'd better get used to daggy toothbrushes because new ones will cost around 35c more.
Beazley has said that if Labor is voted into office at the next election he will repeal the GST. Working class and professional people should make sure the ALP leadership is held to this promise and not be swayed by how popular the GST is with the upper middle class: that small group who can afford the luxuries that are to become cheaper.